The proportion was 63 in the UMP supporters 1

And if the right decided, also play the game of the primaries At the time where Nicolas Sarkozy declared his candidacy in the Elysee Palace, the French are visibly applicants: 72 of them want that the UMP imitates this just made the Socialist Party and organizes discussions between its various contenders. The proportion was 63 in the UMP supporters (1). Say the all net: Despite this strong demand, the exercise is unlikely to occur. The dominance of Nicolas Sarkozy on his party is such that those who dream to deal with it by the Congress of January 14 inauguration there will look twice before daring to place on the starting line: Dominique de Villepin and Jean-Louis Borloo have already stated package; Michèle Alliot-Marie hesitates. Damage, because anything that can contribute to clarify the debate and the positions before the presidential deadline of 2007 well came. This applies as well to the left to the right.

Fiction, however, may come to the rescue of the faltering reality: imagine that the challengers of Nicolas Sarkozy waive their tactics of the time to wait for the President of the UMP wears alone and they decide to lead the party and without ulterior motives, the battle of ideas. What would the result be In other words, what ideological issues would take place this internal battle

Can first take the bet that there is plethora of candidates: created in 2002 in an attempt to bring together the families Gaullist, liberal and centrist, the UMP is a party through various sensitivities which are more or less well. Some, like Christian democracy, experience some difficulties: the hyphenation reached among centrists in 2002, some joining the UMP, the other remaining to the side of François Bayrou, undoubtedly weakened the family of thought without to much make it disappear. A proof the efforts made by Christine Boutin to exist "Judeo-Christian heritage" and defend, in the drafting of the legislative project, ideas such as the "enforceable housing right" or even "the social VAT". The Liberal family has its representative in the person of Rachid Kaci, but it is more than the shadow of itself, victim of the rejection that in France globalization and violently anti-liberal climate who presided in the recent referendum on Europe. Reading the legislative project of the UMP, Alain Madelin was this heartfelt cry: "I have known a liberal Sarkozy... it was twenty years ago." (2) Has what Nicolas Sarkozy replies: "Alain madelin" It is 3 of the vote! . The time where the right without complex advocated the abolition of the tax on the fortune or the social security funds competition appears to be well and truly gone.

The radical family, embodied by Jean-Louis Borloo, is doing a little better. On background of rise of communitarianism, the defence of secularism, combined with a concern for social justice, is infinitely more bearing than liberalism trade Fund. But it is actually in the gaullo-bonapartiste family that would be the most numerous and the most serious candidates: addition Nicolas Dupont-Aignan, who continues to defend the sovereignist tradition embodied personalities such as Philippe Seguin and Charles Pasqua, once at least two questioning Michèle Alliot-Marie and Dominique de Villepin be on the starting line to play Nicolas Sarkozy the legacy of the ex-RPR.

This dominance of the family gaullo-bonapartiste is not fortuitous. It corresponds to the spirit of the times: cult of the leader, ode to the voluntarism, the gathering, enhancement of the protective State. These four ingredients are intended to reassure a troubled by globalization and lost its bearings electorate. They are found as well in the posture of Dominique de Villepin on high the banner of economic patriotism in the attitude of Nicolas Sarkozy locked when he was at Bercy to save Alstom. While this does, indeed, these two pragmatic great to be on deregulation of the labour law, much more daring than Jacques Chirac. At the time, it is difficult to understand the nature of this dispute of heirs, to the point that some commentators do not hesitate to say: the right would simply be victim of yet another shock of personal ambitions which it has the secret.

The case is in reality more complex and Michèle Alliot-Marie, who has recently delivered the keys. Speaking at the last national Council of the UMP in which she was also jeered copiously by supporters of Nicolas Sarkozy, the Minister of defence laid on the table at least two major grievances: "I am against positive discrimination", it began by saying before to caution against any trivialization of the Presidential Office: "the President is the custodian and the guarantor of national cohesion.", it is the last resort of the citizens when the political confrontation raged. "It is one to which it turns when the essence of the nation is threatened", she said in defending a very Gaullist view of the functioning of the Fifth Republic.

Positive discrimination brandished by Michèle Alliot-Marie returns to American communitarianism, the institutional quarrel to a possible presidentialization of the French system on the American model. At the bottom, that criticized the questioning Nicolas Sarkozy is always the same grievance: his American tropism, his fascination for a country who has more been able to make growth and integration as the France. If the questioning and dig the nail, if even the most moderate of them consider that the last movement of Nicolas Sarkozy in the US was a clumsy, it is because they fear for the time, a true break with the Gaullist inheritance: the France and the United States have always been a universalist vocation, they have always claimed to be one and the other, a model for the rest of the world. If a French candidate recognizes the supremacy of the American model, it is finished the French size. Ally but not concurred, it is the dogma. What Nicolas Sarkozy argues that "The France must of course be the vassal of person", but that does not change it eventually lost its greatness. Between these two theories, there is a balance to find which will be that the rebel heir will be adouber by his family. Otherwise, it will be very difficult to gather. This is why the primary right are not only desirable but necessary: when disputes relate to the fundamental, better a frank explanation than a creeping quarrel. And as long as to do better would be to it between two stakeholders: Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. This is that one is dreaming of a televised between the two men debate. For the time, the right resume democratic transparency a true blow to advance on the left!